This
is the third of the three reviews I promised, and when I made my promise, I
said I hoped I was up to the task on this book. There’s a lot in it I don’t
understand, but I’ve never let that stop me.
As
I’ve mentioned in the previous reviews, Stephanie Kelton taught at the
University of Missouri-Kansas City for many years, and what is now known as
Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) was once referred to as the Kansas City School of
Economics. Alas, she got an offer she couldn’t refuse and UMKC was unable or
unwilling to match to move to Stony Brook University on Long Island.
Kelton’s
book, The Deficit Myth: Modern Monetary Theory and the Birth of the People’s
Economy, was written before the coronavirus pandemic started, although she
inserted a few paragraphs in the introduction advising that we were facing even
larger deficits as a result of it, that we would be facing many issues as a
result of the virus, and we should not pile on additional concerns over our
nation’s fiscal condition.
To
give this book and Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) a fair chance, we’re going to
have to ignore the, for the lack of a better term, bullshit we’ve heard all our
lives and pay attention to observable facts. I mentioned in a previous review
that the Manhattan Project went from theory to Hiroshima in about three years.
Our space program went from Sputnik to the moon in twelve years. In neither
case did we pause and ask ourselves if we could afford it. Unfortunately, the
same is true of military adventures in Afghanistan and Iraq and massive tax
cuts for the wealthy enacted every time a Republican gets control of the White
House. Our government has already admitted deficits don’t matter. Except when
the deficits will be incurred to help Americans. Then the Greek chorus kicks in
with predictions of inflation and various and sundry other negative
consequences and assorted moral hazards.
It
sounds counterintuitive to say deficits don’t matter. If you’re new to MMT, a
voice in your head will scream, “This can’t be true.” But if we look back just
a few years to the response to the financial crisis of 2008, we can observe
that the government incurred a massive deficit, which in spite of predictions
of doom and gloom, preceded the longest bull market in history. Unfortunately,
that market lifted yachts and left those in rowboats to sink. We can hope the
government has learned its lesson, but as I write this, Senator Lindsay Graham is
railing against the extension of $600 weekly benefits for the unemployed.
According to the senator and his crowd, those people need to get back to work,
and if they can’t find a job, well, let them wait in line in their cars for
donated food.
We
can go back further in history to the aftermath of World War II, when returning
(primarily white) GIs were given free education and no down payment loans on
homes, which led to a historic economic boom, which actually lifted many boats
of all sizes. And, of course, we can look back a little further to the New
Deal, which also gave benefits to the little guy. So we have to ask ourselves
what do we believe—conventional wisdom or observable results?
Kelton
points out that the U.S. and a few other countries enjoy monetary sovereignty--the
ability to issue their own currency. European Union countries (think Greece) do
not have that ability. All the U.S. has to do is hit some keys on a computer,
and—voila—more money. It would be possible to overdo it, but, as Kelton points
out, Japan’s deficit is 245% of GDP, and Japan is still going strong.
She
points out that Alan Greenspan, when questioned by fellow Ayn Randian Paul
Ryan, who asked if Social Security is sustainable (and expected a different
answer), said, “[T]here’s nothing to prevent the federal government from
creating as much money as it wants and paying it to somebody.”
Kelton
argues that deficit reduction has historically led to economic downturns as far
back as 1819. The national debt was completely gone just in time for the Panic
of 1837, and it declined 36% just before the Great Depression. Even Bill
Clinton’s much touted surplus preceded the dot.com recession of 2000. She also
points out that if there were no government debt, there would be no U.S.
Treasuries, and a source of safe income would be eliminated. No less a founding
father than Alexander Hamilton called the national debt a “national treasure.”
Kelton
says that it is possible that inflation could result if deficits grow too
large, but she also points out that is unlikely for the U.S. (As I write this,
30-year Treasury Bonds are yielding 1.33%, so the smart money does not
anticipate inflation for the foreseeable future.) In order to fight the
probably nonexistent threat of inflation, the current method is to maintain the
“right” amount of unemployment in the system, which was recommended by Milton
Friedman. In other words, a certain number of people must be unemployed for the
good of society. No one knows how many people that is. At one time it was
believed 7% unemployment is necessary; we’ve seen unemployment well below that
with no inflation. In other words, this is yet another example of conventional
wisdom trumping observable facts. Perhaps there is no “natural” rate of
unemployment.
Kelton
observes that, while we don’t need to worry about fiscal deficits, there are
many deficits we do need to address. One of them is unemployment, for which she
proposes a jobs guarantee. When people lose their jobs, they’d be guaranteed a
job paying no less than $15 an hour plus benefits. I was resistant to this proposal
at first, envisioning a jobs bureaucracy, but then I realized it could be as
simple as working through a service such as Kelly or some other temporary
agency. It could work, but I can see mounds of paperwork no matter which route
it takes. I’d prefer to see a universal basic income.
When
Kelton gets into the plight of retirees, it kind of makes me wonder why these
people aren’t out marching with other protesters. As she says, retirement was
once envisioned as a three-legged stool comprised of Social Security, savings,
and pensions. She points out two of these legs have been sawed off. Savings are
hard to accumulate and interest rates are low. Pensions are few, far between,
and not secure. She gives an example of a McDonnell Douglas plant in Tulsa that
was closed because many workers were nearing retirement, and McDonnell Douglas
could walk away from all but a fraction of what they would have paid had
employees been allowed to work until retirement age. And most people don’t have
pensions. They have 401(k) or similar plans that sometimes pay off but other
times wind up being a means to divert employee savings into fund managers’ or
other hands. My partner Dan, for example, is part of a class action suit
against a local employer that mismanaged his 401(k). He lost $12,000. It looks
like he’s going to wind up with about $2,000 of it, but even that’s not
certain. And many employers are using the pandemic as an excuse to discontinue
contributing to these plans. So two of the three legs are gone, and now Social
Security is under attack (again). It seems those in power can’t stand when the
little guy winds up with anything. Kelton says 40% of middle-class Americans
will experience downward mobility in retirement and argues for Social Security
to be larger. After all, it has to take the place of savings and pensions.
Kelton
criticizes Bill Clinton’s welfare reform, and that gives me another chance to
assert my belief that Clinton was a closet Republican, for all the good that
did him.
In
a chapter titled “The Deficits that Matter,” in addition to the good jobs
benefit I discussed above, Kelton addresses the savings deficit, for which she
suggests we build an economy that will enable people to save. Next is the
health care deficit. We need, and under MMT can afford, universal health care.
Much has become obvious in the months since this book was written and the
pandemic has taken hold, but the most obvious is the flaw of depending on
employers for health care. As I’ve written before, this was an accident. During
World War II wages were frozen. Health care was added as a benefit to get
around frozen wages and compete for employees during a labor shortage. It no
longer makes sense, and a conservative case could certainly be made for
relieving employers of responsibility for health insurance. The education
deficit addresses deficiencies in K-12 and higher education levels. The debt
college students graduate owing detracts not only from their lives but from the
economy, and therefore, from the well being of everyone. College grads are
delaying their lives—getting married, having children, buying homes, and all
the stuff their parents and grandparents took for granted. There’s a good
conservative argument for wiping out student debt—it’s the economy, stupid.
When
Kelton gets to the infrastructure deficit, I’m sure she’s preaching to the choir.
Infrastructure is one of those things that, as Will Rogers said about the
weather, everyone talks about but no one ever does anything about. Before the
rescue of banks took priority in 2009, President Obama said several
infrastructure projects were “shovel-ready.” When the orange buffoon took
office, he promised infrastructure repairs. The shovels must still be in good
shape, and as for infrastructure under the buffoon, well… crickets. Kelton goes
on to discuss the climate deficit and the democracy deficit. The latter
requires some action to address income inequality, which is now greater than it
was in the age of the robber barons or the Great Depression.
There
is a great deal to think about in this book. I’ve read two reviews—one in The
Wall Street Journal by John H. Cochrane of the Hoover Institute and Cato
Institute, which was titled “Years of Magical Thinking” and was pretty much
what you’d expect from a reviewer representing these “think tanks.” Frankly I
doubt he read the book. The other was in The Baffler by Dave Denison,
the senior editor, who obviously took the time to read the book and do some
research. He begins by pointing out that Neel Kashkari, president of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, in a March 2020 interview with Scott Pelley on 60
Minutes, said there is no end to the Federal Reserve’s ability to flood the
system with money. As Denison concludes, Congress’ greatest con is “We can’t
afford it,” and there is no economic theory that can, for example, justify a
federal response to rescue a banking behemoth but not a group of rural
hospitals. It is simply a matter of priorities.
Remember
that next time you hear that we can’t afford universal health coverage, free
education, or any of a myriad of other social benefits citizens of most first world countries take for granted.
I’ll
be taking a breather to read some mindless brain candy for a few weeks, and I
plan to enroll in an online literature class that starts next month at UMKC, so
I won’t be posting to this blog for a while unless I see something really
worthy of writing about. Let’s all hope that by the time I get back to you, life
has gotten back to normal.